Sunday, November 30, 2025

Why are the women in Matthew's genealogy included?

There are ongoing disagreements about why Matthew refers to Tamar, Rahab, Ruth, and Bathsheba in Matthew 1:3-6. It's sometimes suggested that they're included because of the theme of God's acceptance of Gentiles. That theme is prominent in early Christianity, including in the gospel of Matthew, as the magi in chapter 2 illustrate. But Bathsheba apparently was Jewish. She lived in Isarael. In 2 Samuel 11:3, her father is referred to as Eliam, with no further qualifier, whereas the same verse qualifies Uriah as "the Hittite". See, also, 2 Samuel 23:34. If Ahithophel was the grandfather of Bathsheba, which would be further evidence of her Jewishness, that would help explain why Ahithophel betrayed David (because of what David did to Bathsheba). Matthew 1:16 includes Mary, who was Jewish, in a way similar to how the other women are included earlier. Furthermore, when Bathsheba is referred to in verse 6, she's identified as the wife of Uriah, not "the wife of a Hittite", "the wife of Uriah the Hittite", or some other such thing. And she's referred to as Uriah's wife in a context about giving birth to Solomon after marrying David. She wasn't Uriah's wife at the time, yet Matthew chose to mention that she had been Uriah's wife. The focus seems to be on the adulterous origins of her relationship with David, not any connection to Gentiles. Matthew probably didn't think Ruth was guilty of sexual sin, and he didn't think Mary was, so he didn't think the women had sexual sin in common. Even the women who were sexually immoral were so in significantly different ways. For example, Rahab's background as a prostitute is substantially different than conceiving the child mentioned in the genealogy by means of sexual immorality. It also seems unlikely that the women were all thought to have had a low social status independent of issues like sexual immorality (being born into a disreputable family, being of low economic status, etc.). As explained above, Matthew highlight's Bathsheba's involvement in adultery, which is distinct from the sort of social status issues I just referred to. What's the common thread with these women, then?

I suspect what Matthew had in mind was that all of the women, the first four mentioned and Mary, were in some way beneath what was thought appropriate for somebody in the Messianic line. The women had different problems, but they were all problematic in some way. The existence of other women with problematic characteristics provided precedent for Mary's inclusion.

And there could easily be more than one problem with Mary. At least some of the Old Testament women referred to are likely to have been considered beneath the dignity of the Messianic line in multiple ways, such as Tamar's being a Gentile and being sexually immoral.

It's likely that people were objecting to Mary's inclusion in the Messianic line for more than one reason. She was of a low social status (e.g., Luke 2:24), she was from a disreputable town (John 1:46), her pregnancy was premarital, and there were allegations of sexual immorality on her part. Matthew may have only been responding to one of those problems with Mary, but I suspect he was responding to more than one.

What should we make of the possibility that the critics Matthew was responding to were only addressing later aspects of Mary's life, things they had more evidence for, like her low social status and association with Nazareth in her later years? It makes more sense to think that the interest in such things would go back to matters involved in Jesus' childhood, earlier in Mary's life, not just Jesus' adulthood. Childhood, like adulthood, is part of life, people are typically interested in childhood issues (a person's birthplace, what family he was part of, how he was educated in his youth, etc.), and the Old Testament discusses some aspects of the Messiah's childhood. The widespread interest we see in Jesus' childhood among non-Christians in other first-century contexts and among the second-century sources and beyond makes the most sense if there was a significant amount of interest in the context Matthew was addressing as well. He's placing his response to the objections under consideration in a genealogy, a context involving Jesus' childhood, with the context that follows the genealogy being about other childhood issues. A genealogy involves birth, and three of the four Old Testament women mentioned by Matthew were well known for being involved in sexual immorality. So, not only the genealogical setting, but also the nature of the women he highlighted make more sense if earlier aspects of Mary's life, including issues pertaining to Jesus' childhood, are being included. Mary is present in the genealogy because of the birth of Jesus, not just later events in his life. And Matthew's interest in responding to the objections under consideration and the extent he goes to in responding to them (departing from genealogical norms and adding the names of women and other additional content in a few different places in the genealogy) make more sense if he was addressing a higher rather than lower quantity and quality of objections.

Regarding Mary's association with Nazareth, see my post about Matthew 2:23 here. For a discussion of more of the evidence for the bad reputation of Nazareth and Galilee more broadly, go here. I'll return to the subject later in this post.

The premarital timing of the pregnancy goes against the traditional Jewish view that pregnancy is to occur within marriage, a tradition that continued in Christianity, and opens the door to the charge that the claim of a virgin birth was fabricated to cover for premarital sex. Matthew didn't think Mary was sexually immoral, but he knew that the pregnancy was premarital and, therefore, problematic.

It's unlikely that he included the other women with Mary in the genealogy to suggest that even if Mary had been immoral, that would be a problem God could overcome. That would be a weak response to the sexual immorality accusation, since the ability of God to work through such a significant problem wouldn't change the fact that it's such a significant problem in other ways. Under a scenario in which Mary was sexually immoral, she wouldn't have had the sort of mitigating factors involved in her situation that the other women had. The precedence of less significant problems among the four Old Testament women wouldn't do a lot to address the more significant problem of having the Messiah conceived under such bad circumstances. Not only did the other women have mitigating factors involved that Mary wouldn't have had if she'd been sexually immoral, but there would be higher expectations for her, since she was supposed to be the mother of the Messiah, not just a more distant relative. It's more likely that Matthew is addressing, among other problems with Mary, the allegation of sexual immorality, not the truthfulness of the allegation. There probably was a sentiment going around to the effect that somebody who was supposed to be the mother of the Messiah should be above reproach, that she shouldn't have the sort of cloud of suspicion hanging over her that Mary had. She shouldn't even be suspected of sexual immorality. But Mary was suspected of it. Matthew is addressing that fact rather than responding to what we should make of the allegation if it were true.

But what if nobody had raised these objections to Mary? What if Matthew was just anticipating one or more potential future objections? It's very likely that the objections he had in mind were already circulating. As my material on Matthew 2:23 linked above discusses, Matthew seems to have been interacting with objections that were already circulating when he composed that passage. And the objections are widespread elsewhere in the New Testament and in other early Christian and non-Christian sources. Or think of the discussion of the empty tomb in Matthew 28:11-15. There had been many years of back-and-forth between Christians and their Jewish critics leading up to the time when Matthew's gospel was published. Most likely, the inclusion of the women in the genealogy is doing the same kind of thing we see in 2:23 and 28:11-15. And in principle, apart from passages like the ones just mentioned, it's likely that people would have easily noticed the problematic nature of Mary's social status, her associations with Nazareth and Galilee, the timing of her pregnancy, and the potential that she had been sexually immoral. The idea that people would have needed decades or longer to recognize such things is absurd. They would have been recognized easily, early, and widely. As I've argued elsewhere, like here, here, and here, the objections I'm suggesting Matthew was addressing in his genealogy seem to be present in Mark 6:3, Epictetus, Celsus, and many other sources in the earliest generations of Christianity. A widespread recognition and discussion of those problems during the time leading up to the publication of the gospel of Matthew makes more sense of how widespread the objections are in other sources contemporary with Matthew and shortly after his time.

Most likely, what Matthew is doing with the women in the genealogy is similar to what he's doing with Jesus in 2:23. The same objection to being associated with Nazareth that was raised against Jesus would have been raised against his mother as well. In both contexts, Matthew appeals to the Old Testament to justify what's being objected to. He's likely addressing more than just the Nazareth objection to Mary, but that objection is part of what he's responding to. What he does in 2:23 offers partial corroboration of what I'm arguing he was doing in chapter 1.

Similarly, what's said of Jesus in other places has a secondary application to Mary. The derogatory "son of Mary" in Mark 6:3 is primarily about the son, but also involves Mary. The dismissive "carpenter's son" (Matthew 13:55) has implications for being the wife of a carpenter. Both involve a low social status. Referring negatively to Christians in general as "the sect of the Nazarenes" (Acts 24:5) applies to Mary, both as a Christian and to a higher degree as somebody who lived part of her life in Nazareth and lived there with Jesus. Just as there was reason to defend Jesus against such criticisms, there would have been reason to defend Mary in a context like the genealogy of Matthew 1.

What Matthew does with the women in his genealogy illustrates that the early Christians weren't just writing on a blank slate and making up whatever stories they wanted to make up to further their movement. It illustrates how self-critical the early Christians were and how aware they were of how others perceived them and the value of interacting with those perceptions. It illustrates how opponents of Christianity, including Jewish ones operating in the area where Christianity originated, were observing the movement and interacting with it early on. Issues like the premarital timing of Mary's pregnancy and whether Mary was immoral in the context surrounding Jesus' conception, which are likely to be among the issues Matthew was addressing in response to these critics, are matters that go back to the earliest days of Jesus' life. The early concern about such issues, on the part of both Christians and non-Christians, opens the door wider to the preservation of historically reliable information about Jesus' childhood.

7 comments:

  1. Good stuff.
    I have a tangentially related question: how do you refute the notion that Matthew is midrash, per Gundry et al?

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    1. Trent,

      I haven't read Gundry's material on the subject. I've read some other sources who have advocated that sort of view of Matthew's genre. I've also read some of the responses to Gundry and other proponents of that kind of view. And I've read a lot about Matthew's genre in other contexts. So, I can offer information on some of the issues involved, but I can't go into much depth about Gundry's view in particular. Because of word limits for comments on Blogger, I'll have to break my comments into multiple posts.

      We don't begin with an assumption that a document is midrashic or of some other unhistorical genre, and there's not adequate evidence that Matthew is unhistorical. As my post at the beginning of this thread argues, there's material in Matthew that was difficult for the early Christians in one way or another, is unlikely to have been fabricated by those Christians, and is likely historical. And we've argued for the historicity of other parts of Matthew in other posts on this blog. Even ancient non-Christian sources acknowledged the historicity of some parts of what Matthew refers to (Jesus' existence, his performance of apparent miracles, his crucifixion, etc.). Anybody who wants us to think there was intentionally unhistorical material alongside the historical material bears the burden of proof. People do sometimes combine fiction and non-fiction, but that's a less common and more complicated scenario.

      My understanding is that Gundry contrasted Matthew's alleged combination of historical and unhistorical material with the historical genre of other gospels. The infancy narratives in Matthew and Luke are often cited as a major area of difference between those two gospels. But I've argued, such as here, that Matthew and Luke have far more in common on Christmas issues than is typically suggested. In another post, I argued that their annunciation accounts not only are consistent, but even help explain each other by providing details that make the other gospel's material more coherent. There are a lot of other relevant posts in our archives, like some of the ones I linked in my Christmas Resources 2025 post last week.

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    2. Whenever two or more gospels are contrasted, as in Gundry's view of the genres of the gospels, one way we can evaluate that sort of hypothesis is by looking at whether the early sources place the gospels together or distinguish among them in a relevant manner. The early sources, both Christian and non-Christian, group the gospels together in ways that suggest a common genre, and they don't make the distinction Gundry and others have made. The early grouping of the gospels together makes more sense if they were considered part of the same genre than if they were thought to belong to different genres.

      As I've argued elsewhere, we have evidence for the grouping of the gospels as early as the first and early second centuries. The gospels probably got their titles ("The Gospel According To Matthew", "The Gospel According To Mark", etc.) from the need to distinguish among two or more similar documents being used in relevant settings (personal libraries, public libraries, church services, etc.). See my post here on the earliness of the gospel titles, likely going back to the middle of the first century for the Synoptics. The gospel of Matthew is given the same kind of title as the other gospels, which is better explained the more similar its genre was to that of the others. And see here regarding how Quadratus and his colleagues were grouping the gospels together in the early second century. Papias' comments on Mark and Matthew (in Eusebius, Church History 3:39:14-16) refer to the recording of historical information about Jesus, without any indication that Matthew had a different purpose than Mark. Similarly, Justin Martyr refers to Matthew's material as historical alongside the material from other gospels, including some of the content in Matthew that's most often claimed to be unhistorical today (e.g., the magi material in Matthew 2). Justin places Matthew with the other gospels in the historical genre of memoirs:

      "Justin counters this by implying that the Gospel accounts are historically reliable in the ordinary way of such accounts. The gospels were written by Jesus' disciples or their successors, who faithfully and reliably remembered what Jesus had said and done. There is nothing more to it, and nothing more is needed. Justin evidently sees considerable argumentative value in the fact that these Memoirs [the gospels] were put into writing at an early stage, by Jesus' closest disciples, the apostles, or by their immediate followers. We therefore do not have to rely on oral tradition only, transmitted through a large number of intermediary transmitters." (Oskar Skarsaune, in Sara Parvis and Paul Foster, edd., Justin Martyr And His Worlds [Minneapolis, Minnesota: Fortress Press, 2007], 73)

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    3. Tatian's harmony of the gospels takes Matthew as historical. And that sort of harmonizing of the gospels, including Matthew, was widespread. Eusebius goes as far as to comment that "every believer" had attempted to harmonize the genealogies of Jesus in Matthew and Luke (Church History 1:7:1). Julius Africanus refers to relatives of Jesus who had verified the accuracy of the genealogies (in Eusebius, Church History 1:7:14). The best explanation for the popularity of gospel harmonies from the second century onward is that there was an early and widespread belief that all of the gospels were of a historical genre.

      Clement of Alexandria referred to an account received from some elders in which John's gospel is said to be spiritual, in contrast to how the Synoptics had provided "the external facts" (in Eusebius, Church History 6:14:5-7). The Synoptics, including Matthew, seem to be viewed as having provided facts, having been of a historical nature. John's gospel is referred to as spiritual, apparently because of how much attention it gives to Jesus' preexistence and whatever other matters Clement's elders considered to be of a more spiritual nature than what's in the Synoptics. The point isn't that John is unhistorical. Rather, the point is that it gives more attention to inner, spiritual facts than the Synoptics do, which are more focused on external facts. Regardless, the only contrast being offered is between John and the Synoptics, not between Matthew and the others. And the contrast between John and the others seems to be about the sort of history focused on, not whether the documents are all of a historical nature. For Clement, as with the early Christians in general, all four of the gospels were viewed as documents of a historical genre.

      I'm just citing several examples here. There's far more that could be brought up. Views like Gundry's are widely contradicted from the first century onward.

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    4. I wrote a post several years ago about the prominence of Matthew's gospel in early church history. Matthew was the most influential gospel. It's prominent in Justin's exchange with Trypho, Celsus and his Jewish source(s) cite Matthew more than any other gospel, etc. Given Matthew's influence, among both Christians and non-Christians, a historical interpretation of Matthew makes more sense of why there was such a widespread early belief that Christians were making historical claims in the gospels:

      "Pagan critics realized that the claims of the new movement [Christianity] rested upon a credible historical portrait of Jesus. Christian theologians in the early church, in contrast to medieval thinkers who began their investigations on the basis of what they received from authoritative tradition, were forced to defend the historical claims they made about the person of Jesus. What was said about Jesus could not be based solely on the memory of the Christian community or its own self-understanding." (Robert Wilken, The Christians As The Romans Saw Them [New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1984], 203)

      Matthew's gospel was at the heart of that Christian (and non-Christian) understanding of the historicity of the religion. A non-historical genre makes poor sense of any of the gospels, but especially Matthew.

      Jared cited an article Douglas Moo wrote in response to Gundry. For a book length treatment, which interacts with Gundry and others, you could read Charles Quarles' Midrash Criticism (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1998). It's been a long time since I read it. I don't remember much about the details, but I've quoted it on this blog occasionally, such as in this post about typology and the infancy narratives. I've read a lot of other responses to Gundry over the years, but I don't remember much about those responses. I always found Gundry's view, as I saw it summarized, too problematic to be worth looking into much. The work I've done in other contexts seems to overlap with Gundry's hypothesis enough to convince me that it's highly likely that he's wrong.

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    5. I should have referred to some articles by Douglas Moo rather than "an article". There are more than one.

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  2. I am not sure how far this goes as a "refutation" but Douglas Moo and Robert Gundry had an exchange on this issue in JETS which can be read at this link:

    https://etsjets.org/jets26/

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